Embarrassed by recent revelations by the U.S. Department of State about the shady links between the Muslim Brotherhood leadership and the Obama Administration during the “Arab Spring”, the Shura Council of the Muslim Brotherhood has just issued a secret order to Brotherhood executives to “deny these revelations” and “sow doubt” about them through social networks in a “previously agreed” manner. In other words, the leadership of the Brotherhood officially encourages its executives to lie to “families” (secret cells of the Muslim Brotherhood’s insider activists) and to supporters and sympathisers of the Brotherhood!
Embarrassed by recent revelations by the U.S. Department of State about the shady links between the Muslim Brotherhood leadership and the Obama Administration during the “Arab Spring”, the Shura Council of the Muslim Brotherhood has just issued a secret order to Brotherhood executives to “deny these revelations” and “sow doubt” about them through social networks in a “previously agreed” manner. In other words, the leadership of the Brotherhood officially encourages its executives to lie to “families” (secret cells of the Muslim Brotherhood’s insider activists) and to supporters and sympathisers of the Brotherhood!
Indicted for four rapes and banned from leaving French territory, the preacher set up a training and research center in October providing courses in ethics, humanism and … feminism. First recruit: Yacob Mahi, sentenced in Belgium in 2019 for “deeds of morality” and given a three-year suspended prison sentence.
Mohamed Hassan Dadou is a Muslim Brotherhood leader of Mauritanian origin, residing in Doha, Qatar. He is a member of the board of directors of the International Union of Muslim Ulemas, a body linked to the Muslim Brotherhood founded by the Egyptian-Qatari preacher, Youssef al-Qaradawi, of whom he was long the number 2.
While the French Ministry of the Interior has just renewed Hani Ramadan’s ban on staying in France (a ban which dates back to April 2017), the Director of the Islamic Center of Geneva (Tariq Ramadan’s brother) replies by questioning the official version of the 9/11 attacks!
Let’s say it outright, the only difference between the brotherhood of the Muslim Brotherhood and ISIS is the method. The end remains the same: to apply the Islamiya Sharia, the Islamic law, and to re-establish the caliphate, by appointing a caliph in the Islamic way, without a vote. Once this is done, they work on Islamising the existence and dominating the world. Thus, two fundamentalist entities do each other favours often consciously, sometimes unconsciously.
Beylik: that’s the word we don’t want to hear anymore in Tunis. Beylik, domain of the bey, vassal of the sultan. Beylik, province or Ottoman “regency”. A word that comes from the well of the centuries, a return of the historical repressed. It was furiously written in the country’s media after the unexpected visit to Tunis of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who came to ask President Kais Saied to support a Turkish intervention in Libya in support of the ill-named “Government of National Accord” of Faiez Sarraj against General Khalifa Haftar. By opening Matmata airport to Turkish military aircraft. But yes, of course, it made sense: the tiny and strategic Tunisia could not but acquiesce to Ankara’s desires. In the spirit of the neo-Great Turk, it had to become again the vassal of the old days.
In order to denounce the opponents of the Muslim Brotherhood and radical Islam, communicators linked to Qatar usually used pseudonyms. He could also occasionally call on François Burgat, a retired researcher, now president of the Arab Centre for Research and Policy Studies (CAREP) in Paris, an organisation financed by the gas emirate. However, the latest article, “Mud on Qatar,” published on June 20 on a blog hosted by Mediapart, is signed by Paolo Fusi, a scandalous character, author of crude forgeries during the last Gulf War.
About fifteen years ago, I had the privilege of entering Gamal al-Banna’s lair, the youngest brother of Hassan al-Banna, the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood. In a small apartment in a working-class district of Cairo, he had collected more than 30,000 books, many of which cannot be found today, hundreds of unpublished documents, such as handwritten notes on the secret links between the Brotherhood and the Free Officers Movement, the military organization founded by Gamal Abdel Nasser. During Gamal al-Banna’s lifetime, these treasures did not interest many people. What have they become since his death in January 2013?
